THE 2021 FESTIVAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCE RUNNING 1-30 NOVEMBER 2021
The economics of higher education
What’s on offer?
Each year early career economists at IFS deliver a day of public economics talks, aimed at A-level and undergraduate students who have an interest in economics or might want to pursue a career in public policy research. As part of this year’s Festival of Social Science, we will be live streaming a selection of lectures from the series to anyone who is interested in finding out more about economics. There will be time allowed for Q&A on each topic.
What’s it about?
Why do so many young people decide to go to university? Why do governments subsidise them? Who does and who does not benefit financially from higher education? This lecture will explore these central questions in the economics of higher education in the context of recent IFS research on the financial gains to degrees in the UK.
Who’s leading the event?
Ben Waltmann, Research Economist at IFS
Open to
These webinars are primarily aimed at final year undergraduates studying economics, but should be useful to anyone interested in the subject.
right it's four o'clock now so i think
we can kick things off
hello and welcome everyone i'm ellen
drayton and i'll be chairing today's
event which is the penultima ifs public
lecture
just to highlight that our final lecture
will be on the same time next week and
that will be titled why tax corporate
income
but on to today i'm delighted that we'll
be joined by ben waltman who's a senior
research economist at the iss
he has interest in education
particularly in returns to education and
funding models
of education
today he'll be talking to us about the
economics of higher education
and he'll be presenting roughly for 40
minutes
after that time we'll have a short q a
session
and you'll be able to submit any
questions via the slido app or
alternatively you can vote for the
questions that you'd like to be asked
so without further ado i'll pass on to
ben
hello
so i'm going to talk about the economics
of higher education today
and in particular i want to address
three questions
the first is why do people go to
university
and i'm going to outline a little
economic model of higher education
choices
to think about that
secondly why do most governments
intervene in the market for higher
education
so first i'm going to look at what
different governments do
and then think a little bit about what
could be their reasons in the framework
of the model presented in the first part
and third i want to look at what are the
financial benefits of higher education
while touching the question how one
could find out
and then using those methods that i've
presented i'll um
show you some results for
england
and throughout um this lecture is
probably a bit more mathematical than
other lectures in this series um but i
will try to highlight the intuition
behind
all the maths
so
if you can't
exactly follow something don't worry
about it
i'm gonna
try to make sense of it even if you
can't follow the maths
so um
on to why do people go to university
um
so
what i would encourage you to ask if
you're an undergraduate uh ask yourself
or indeed if you are you've already
graduated from university uh why did you
decide to go to university did you go to
get a more fulfilling job did you go to
earn more money or where you're just um
interested in the pure joy of learning
for example
similarly you might ask why did other
people not go to university
maybe um they never wanted to sit an
exam again maybe they didn't want to
have to leave home or maybe
they just enjoyed practical work more
than academic work
so to make sense of all these different
reasons for going to university or not
going um i want to
outline a little
model of higher education choices
so suppose there are two periods t
equals one and t equals two
in the first period which i'm going to
call youth
people choose whether to go to
university or whether to start work
straight away
in the second period which i'm going to
call working life everyone goes to work
in the first period person i's income is
going to be minus fhe if they go to
university so if you have fees um which
they have to pay
and um why one eye non-hg if they don't
go to university because if you don't go
to university you can earn an income
straight away
in the second period
person i's income is going to be y to
ihe if they went to university
and y2i non-hg if they did not go to
university
and um just to visualize this um so
here's the first period youth
so if you go to university which is in
pink here um you got minus fhe because
you have to pay fees
but if you don't go to university you
can earn an income y1i non-he
whereas in working life um you earn an
income whether or not you go to
university and typically we think that
the uh
earnings that you're going to have if
you do go to university y to iit are
going to be higher than if you don't go
to university so
part of what going to university is is
an investment which pays off in later
life
and um throughout this lecture i'm going
to assume that there's no uncertainty
about earnings so prospective new
students know
what's going to happen later
that's of course not quite true
but it's a useful simplifying assumption
here
so
i'm going to assume that
something about people's preferences
first
and
in particular what i'm going to assume
is that people's utility function takes
this following um cop douglas form so
utility
of person i is going to be phi i times c
1 i to the one half times c 2 i to the
one half where c 1 i and c 2 i are
consumption in periods t equals 1 and t
equals 2 respectively so c 1 i is how
much you can consume when you're young
and c2i is how much you can consume in
working life
and fire is going to be the non-monetary
value of each option what does that mean
well finite could contain if you're
going to university the value of a more
fulfilling job the joy of knowledge um
all of the good things about university
that um
aren't a higher income and
if you're not going to university on the
other hand it might contain things like
the value of never having to take exams
again the value of not having to move
away from home or the joy of practical
work
furthermore i'm going to assume that
people can borrow any amount bi i'll be
for borrowing here from financial
markets at the interest rate r
so um then uh given what we've assumed
before
we have um some budget constraints so
for people who um go to university but
if you go to university the budget
constraint is going to be consumption in
the first period is going to be whatever
you borrow minus the fees that you have
to pay and in the second period it's
going to be
y to i h e your income in the second
period minus
paying back whatever you borrowed with
interest so that's one plus r
putting those two things together
eliminating the bi ag gives us this
consolidated budget constraint here
so that just means that
the future value of consumption is going
to have to equal the future value of
income
so um essentially you can only spend
your income
um looked at over the two periods
and then similarly for those who don't
go to university we're going to have a
consolidated budget constraint that
looks very similar which i've put down
here
um so if we put those things together
now we um can display um the budget
constraint and the preferences on a
diagram like this
which um if you've done some
microeconomics you might be familiar
with um so
uh first um
thinking about the case where you don't
go to university so that's the green
budget constraint here
um
that is um
the um
that the you've got an endowment point
here
which is income in the first period um
and income in the second period
and um
this person is going to
choose to borrow
if they if they don't go to university
and so they end up with a consumption
bundle here which is um
the consumption bundle where the budget
constraint is tangent to the highest
indifference growth here and similarly
for the higher education case the
endowment is up here so unlike what
you've seen before we've got um
the kind of first period endowment and
negative territory because you have to
pay fees but basically that doesn't
really change anything substantive
then you've got your budget constrained
here for if you go to university and
again this is the highest indifference
curve so the consumption bundle is
where the highest indifference curve is
tangent
to the budget constraint
um and again you see that this person is
going to borrow money in the first
period so consumption in the first
period is higher than the endowment
um
and um the pink budget constraint here
is outside the green budget constraint
or higher um which means that if this
person goes to university um she can
consume
more
um that doesn't necessarily mean that
she will go to university because as
we've seen they're also
non-monetary factors consumption isn't
everything so if she enjoys practical
work more and that outweighs the higher
earnings that she might get if she goes
to university
she might still
choose not to go
okay so um if we
solve this constraint optimization
problem
to get
c1i star and c2i star um which we may
have done before in
a microeconomics class um for both the
um
university and non-university case and
we substitute um those consumption
levels back into the utility function to
get uihd and ui non-hd
then we'll find that people are going to
choose university
um so people choose university if and
only if the utility
of going is higher than the utility of
not going um so that's by definition but
if we plug it in we can put some meat on
the bones of this so then we get the um
inequality at the bottom here which
tells you that um the non-monetary value
of going to hg times the future value of
earnings
and so everything you earn basically
over the life cycle when you go to um
university is greater than the
non-monetary value of not going times
the future
value of earnings if you don't go and if
the left-hand side is greater than the
right-hand side then
um you'll go and if it's smaller than
you won't go
so that's our theory
um i've
reproduced the inequality here
and i just wanted to highlight
what we can learn from this so
factors pushing people towards higher
education are going to be a high
non-monetary value of higher education
um low tuition fees fhe
see this terms negative or high earnings
after university right to ihe
but also a low non-monetary value of not
going to university is going to push you
towards higher education um as well as
low non-ate earnings y1i non-hg or y2i
non-hd here
and maybe not as intuitively um in this
model with a private market higher
education uh interest rates also matter
a lot so if interest rates are low
um then um more people are going to go
to
university because as you can see it
enters negatively here and positively
there
um so assuming um
that
these three things hold true so students
can borrow from financial markets at the
true social cost of funds higher
education only benefits students
themselves
and young people have perfect foresight
and make optimal choices from their own
point of view
then the higher education choices that
prospective students are going to make
in this model are going to be efficient
um
so um just to recap
what we've learned in this section so we
now have a theory of higher education
choice when there's a private market in
higher education and a functioning
financial market people are going to
choose higher education if and only if
it is better for them
whether it is better for them depends on
a number of factors some to do with
money others not and in particular in
the modern life outline people are going
to choose higher education if and only
if this inequality here holds true so
remember this is the non-monetary value
of higher education this is basically
the your lifetime earnings if you um
attend higher edu if you attend
university
and that needs to be greater than the
non-monetary value of not going times
um
the
uh life your lifetime earnings if you
don't go to university
um for you to choose to go to university
in this model
and under some assumptions these choices
are going to be economically efficient
so um that's the first part in the next
section i want to look at why might
higher education choices not be
efficient and what do governments in
practice do about that
so
why do most governments intervene in the
market for higher education
so there are different ways of funding
higher education
that different countries have chosen
we've looked at a model of an entirely
private market in higher education in
the last section but in fact most
countries do not have an entirely
private market in the u.s there's a
partly private market but there's a
substantial state sector so state
university sector
which offers subsidized tuition fees and
there are large brand programs for
poorer students
in england and australia um this system
relies mostly on income contingent loans
so those are loans that are paid back
sorry as a percentage of earnings above
a certain threshold um and the
outstanding balances on those loans are
written off after some years of
repayment um
in england that's 30 years and that
works out to a substantial subsidy for
most graduates
in
germany and scotland for example
we have near no tuition fees that are
charged including for postgraduates and
subsidized loans are available for
living costs um whereas in denmark and
sweden first of all nutrition fees are
charged but students are also entitled
to living cost grants um so something
like a salary for going to university
and um looking at this as an economist
you might ask why is the point i've got
these government loans and subsidies
if the benefits of higher education
whether non-financial or financial
accrue to the students themselves why
does the government need to get involved
at all
doesn't the private market attain the
efficient outcome
well um these are the assumptions from
the last section
so assuming that we've assumed that
students can borrow from financial
markets at the true social cost of funds
higher education only benefits students
themselves and young people have perfect
foresight and make optimal choices from
their own point of view well then the
higher education choices in this model
in the model are going to be efficient
but
um
it's kind of unclear whether
any of these assumptions holds in
reality
so
in fact um i'm going to try to convince
you that
because these assumptions don't
perfectly hold the outcome of a private
market might in fact not be efficient or
unlikely to be efficient
so first and perhaps most importantly um
private financial markets may not work
well in practice um leading to high cost
of costs of borrowing for prospective
students
secondly higher education may have
positive externalities
so that means that it may not only
benefit students themselves but also
benefit others
and third some students may choose not
to go to university even if going to
university would be optimal for them
and the consequence of that is what
economists call market failure
so if the higher education market was
completely private fewer young people
would go to university then would be
optimal so by subsidizing higher
education governments may be looking to
raise the higher education participation
rate so how many people actually go to
university
to the optimal level
so let's look at all of this in a bit
more detail
so first i want to start with financial
market imperfections
so what i'm going to claim is that um
the interest rate are charged on student
loans may in fact be much higher than
the true social cost of funds
and one reason for that is called
limited enforceability
so for student loans in contrast to say
a mortgage there's no collateral
so
then if people look to escape repayment
so they don't want to repay their loans
the lender has a problem
because there's no house they can seize
or anything like that
and
the legal process of forcing someone to
pay if they don't want to pay um and
nothing can be seized is going to be
costly and may not always be successful
so the consequence of that is going to
be
um that
the interest rate r is going to be much
higher um than the true social cost
funds so some people are going to be put
off going to university by the high cost
of loans
so we can think of this in the terms of
the model
that i outlined in the last section um
so here again is the key inequality from
that um so if r goes up um the term on
the left is going to go down and
determine the right because this here is
going to go up so fewer people are going
to go to university
um so in terms of the diagram um that i
showed we can think of this as a pivot
um so for those of you who've seen this
sort of thing before um
the kind of you can think of the
relative price of first period
consumption as one plus the interest
rate um so if the interest rate goes up
here and the budget constraint is going
to pivot around the endowment point so
you can see here
and so what's happened here is that
before
it was financially lucrative for this
person to attend university see the pink
budget constraint was outside of the
green budget constraint and after a
pivot here around the endowment point
this is reversed so now
the green budget constraint is outside
of the
pink budget constraint and the this
person is actually financially better
off by going to university and by not
going to university sorry
okay second positive externalities
so in fact higher education may not only
benefit students themselves but may also
benefit others
and one important channel for this are
so-called human capture spillovers
so working and living alongside
university-educated people
is the idea here might create learning
opportunities for others
and there's a large economic literature
on this a classic paper is moranti 2004
who finds that an increased share of
college graduates in the city raises the
productivity of other workers in that
city a more recent contribution for
example is chen and co-authors in 2020
who found that
sending chinese university students to
live and work in the countryside during
the chinese cultural revolution
raise the education levels of rural
children
another channel are higher tax revenues
as a result of university graduates
higher earnings so um in some of my own
work at ifs um
i found together with some core with us
that um nearly half the financial gain
for men and around a quarter of the
financial gain for women from going to
university
actually accrues to the taxpayer
and so these are likely the most
important effects human couples as
their human capital spillovers and um
and uh fiscal actionalities but there
may be others so for instance um
education we know also leads to lower
crime higher acidic engagements pillows
from better health so
that means that it may be socially
optimal for more people to go to
university than would be privately
optimal
so the solution to this for those of you
um who've done some public economics
is
a pigouvian subsidy so basically what
you want to do is the government is
subsidizing education in order to raise
higher education investment to the
socially optimal level
um just to flag
this is not
a closed case as it were there are also
reasons to think that it might be
socially optimal for fewer people to go
to university then would be privately
optimal um
this is a complicated um case so um
if for instance higher education is
partly a costly signal of productivity
to employers
there may be over investment in higher
education in a private market and um the
classic reference to for that expense
1973.
um i'm not going to dwell on that um
very much because while that's kind of
gets a lot of attention that story um
i think the most um researchers in the
higher education space would agree that
um on balance the positive externalities
probably outweigh these
these signaling effects and and similar
um finally uh
privately some optimal decisions
so prospective students may um
underestimate the benefits of higher
education that's one reason why they
might um
not decide to go and that would be so
optimal um so that could be because they
have improved information about
what are the um financial and
non-financial benefits of going to
university and that as you can imagine
is likely to especially affect people
from disadvantaged backgrounds because
perhaps um they are the first in their
family to go to university and perhaps
their parents also don't um have lots of
friends who are going to university and
um for those reasons um
that it might be very difficult for them
to know what it's actually like to go to
university and
what the labor market is like um if
you're a graduate
um secondly apart from those information
problems there might be so-called
internalities
and so students may know that university
would be best but maybe they just can't
bring themselves to apply or actually go
to
university um so
well the policy options here well so the
government obviously can um provide more
information and um
in the uk um that's been
very high on the policy agenda
um
and secondly
um they can again make university more
attractive by subsidizing it um
which is uh
what what we observe in practice that
many governments do
so how might government intervention
look in the model that i outlined in the
first
part of this lecture
so suppose the main problem
is that the market for student loans
does not work well so that's the first
issue that i mentioned
then a natural solution might be for the
government to borrow on students behalf
so how could that
look like
so we could have in period one so
the government might borrow money from
financial markets and use that money to
pay for students fees and living costs
um when they're while they're at
university
and in period two the government could
tax graduates to pay off what it
borrowed
so
this sort of tax is often called a
graduate tax
that's not going to restore the same
allocations as
meaning that students aren't going to
make the same choices as they would in a
completely private market because the
government doesn't
know how much each individual would have
borrowed from the financial markets
but
it could come relatively close
and
it also in this sort of system the
government can subsidize uh
these um
the um
can subsidize the system um of higher
education finance um in order to further
encourage higher education participation
so how can we capture this policy in the
model well instead of having
students pay fees fhe
students would get living cross grants
and which i'm going to call lhe in the
first period and then students
have to pay a graduate tax tower hg of
their working life earnings and their
working lives
um
and i'm going to assume that individuals
can't borrow at all to make this a bit
simpler or their interest rates are just
privately high so nobody chooses to
borrow
so then
we don't have to actually solve a
concerned optimization problem here
because everyone is just going to
consume their endowment so people just
um
spend what they get in each period so
for students um consumption in the first
period is going to be the living cross
grant that they get and consumption in
the second period is going to be equal
to one minus tau h e so the gradient tax
times the second period income
and for non-students we're just going to
have people consuming their earnings in
both periods
so if we substitute um those consumption
levels into the utility function and we
get for the higher education case this
equation and for the
non-hd case we get that equation
and then again people are going to
choose higher education if and only if
the utility of going to university is
greater than the utility of not going
which is then going to be this
expression
so
that looks pretty similar to what we had
before
instead of
lifetime earnings we here have um
the um geometric mean
of um
earnings in um
in the first period and earnings and net
earnings in the second period um but if
that means nothing to you don't worry
basically the point is um it's pretty
similar uh to what we had in the in the
first part of the lecture um and so
basically uh you might think that um
the um
the government has nearly restored the
um the optimal allocation here
uh so another thing to note about this
is that the government as i said can um
adjust this tau hg and the lhg in order
to make more or less make make
university more or less attractive um so
that could kind of counteract or adjust
for some of the externalities here so we
can build the subsidy into the system
um so arguably this model captures the
higher education funding system in
england quite well
um so english students pay no fees
upfront and receive money for living
costs from the government
um and then graduates pay back a
percentage which is currently nine
percent of their later life earnings
above an earnings threshold which is
currently 27 300.
um so you might ask well hang on a
minute doesn't the english system rely
on student loans and that's right but in
fact um the majority of students are
never going to pay off their loans so
for most the system is actually just
like um this tax um as i described it
um so just to recap um
what i've talked about so a completely
private market in higher education is
quite rare most countries instead
subsidize higher education but
systems vary a bit
there are three justifications for the
government to intervene in the market
for higher education that i mentioned
the first is financial market
imperfections the second is positive
functionalities and third is privately
suboptimal decisions
um and if we adapt our model for
government funding paid for by graduate
tax students are going to choose higher
education if and don't leave this
inequality at the bottom here holds um
and uh so that's um the non-monetary
value of going to university times the
geometric mean of the consumption levels
in both periods
um being greater than the
non-monetary value of not going to
university times the
geometric mean of the consumption levels
if you don't go to university
okay final issue i want to talk about
what are the financial benefits of
higher education
um
so what we want to know here is the
what's often uh called the financial
return to higher education so how much
on individual eyes working life earnings
in percent as a result of going to
university so the comparison is what
person i would have earned had she not
going to university
um
so that's important information both for
prospective students who are thinking
about whether or not to attend
university and it's important
information for the government thinking
about the design of the higher education
funding system however i should
emphasize that financial returns of
course are only one part of the benefit
of higher education for individuals
so
um you know going to university also may
mean that you will be healthier or
happier later in life
um as well as for society so we've
talked about externalities in the
previous section
um so if you think about in terms of our
model what we're going to want to
estimate is the later life percentage
earnings return which i'm going to call
row i which is going to be y 2 i h e
minus y 2 in energy
divided by non-he earnings so um yeah
how much higher in percent of your
non-age earnings are going to be your
second period earnings if you go to
university
um so just some more notations i'm going
to call you define this indicator
variable here d i h e which is going to
be 1 if person r goes to university and
otherwise it's going to be 0.
and suppose we've got data on working
live earnings y2y
this dihg so we know whether someone
went to university or not and the vector
background characteristics which i'm
going to call x i
and
i'm then i'm going to assume that second
period earnings for both um h e and non
energy so whether or not you've got
university
are given by the following minsa type
earnings equation um
so
that's y2y will equal e to the power of
alpha zero plus alpha one d i h e plus x
i beta so x i remember is our vector of
observables plus a ui which is an
unobservable component that we as the
econometricians don't observe
so don't worry if you haven't seen this
before
um
we're gonna get to something kind of
more manageable in a minute
so um but first note that i've assumed
here that the alpha one is fixed across
individuals which we're gonna relax to
some extent later
so um if we substitute this expression
now into the expression for rho i
we're gonna get row y equals rho so the
rho is going to be fixed and that's
going to be e to the power of alpha one
minus one
um which is actually if you um
are familiar with this sort of thing
almost the same thing as
rho so row and alpha one are going to be
pretty near each other um
in fact alpha one is going to be um
uh what we might call that a log point
return um
and um that knowing that alpha one is
going to allow us to get at
the row
um so if we take logs of both sides of
this earnings equation we're going to
get this which might look um more
familiar to people um so
we have log earnings on the left hand
side and then something that very much
looks like a regression equation
and ui is going to be a random error
term from the point of view of
the econometrician i.e us as the
researchers um so can we estimate alpha
one by overlaps regression um
so which is you know if you've done any
eclipse you'll have seen that
um
so the crucial assumption here is the
central or less assumption um
so the expected value of ui given the x
i
um and d i h e is going to be zero
and that's what we have to assume
so that implies that conditional and the
other regresses each regressor has to be
uncorrelated with ui
and as we're interested in the alpha one
the crucial condition for us is this one
down here so
um
conditional on the observables our um
error term ui has to be uncorrelated
with this
choice indicator diag and otherwise
you're going to get what's called
limiting fiber bias or selection bias
so what does this assumption mean
for people who haven't done very much
econometrics
so for instance this ui may contain some
unobserved factors that are valuable in
the labor market so you might think of
charm or self-confidence or strong work
ethic or curiosity as things that
are valuable in the labor market i.e
allow you to get a high income but which
a researcher can't observe
and this assumption then is going to say
that conditional on what we observe
about people these unobserved factors
are uncorrelated with uh whether someone
goes to university
so that means looking at people with the
same observable characteristics that
we've got the same marks at school um
who are from a similar socioeconomic
background and so on
do people who are are people who are uh
charming self-confidence etc and no more
likely or unlikely to go to university
and if that's plausible then um
then i think we're good um
if it's not true the ols estimate so the
estimate that comes out of this method
of um estimating the financial returns
higher education is going to be picking
up differences in the effect of these
unobservable factors um which will then
falsely be attributed um to going to
university
um
so how can we make progress in thinking
about this assumption um well one
possible guide is the theory from the
previous sections
we showed that in the
model with government subsidies funded
by graduate tax we're going to have um
people going to university if and only
if this inequality holds
so if we then substitute in the equation
for the second period earnings we're
going to get this thing here
and as you can see the
a lot cancels out here including the ui
because background factors equally
affect
the utility if you go to university and
if you don't go
so in the model the dihe does not
directly depend on ui
um
so we could still have it be correlated
um if the phi ih e the finite non hg or
the y one i known hd are correlated with
the ui even conditional on our vector
observables x i
so again to think about the intuition
here so we said well maybe curiosity is
part of ui
and
that may have positively affect earnings
and might be positively correlated with
diage so might make you go to university
because if you're curious
you might have a higher non-monetary
value of higher education phi iag
then what we would overestimate we would
overestimate the financial benefit
of um going to university
alpha one
um because
we would falsely attribute to going to
university what really is a result of
curiosity
um
in contrast we might think that you know
strong work ethic for instance is also
part of ui and that positively affects
earnings but is negatively correlated
with diage through y1i non-hg so people
who have strong work ethic can earn more
if they go to universe if they don't go
to university in while they're young
then we would underestimate the alpha
one
so more generally the
ui is only going to cancel out from the
ac decision rule in our particular model
that i've outlined
um
basically because i've rigged it up in
this way so um in that depends on the
douglas preferences that i've assumed
and it depends on the earnings function
so the general takeaway here is that and
the ui could affect the ag participation
decision diage either directly or
indirectly as i've outlined
um
but um now um finally moving on to kind
of what actual estimates are we're going
to assume that this works so um the ols
the yeah the oxygenated assumption holds
um that i've shown you um
and the data set where this was most
plausible for england is
the leo data set
which contains linked school records
university records and tax records for
everyone who took gcses in england since
2002
and what you can do with this data set
is look at annual earnings
at age up to age 29 because basically
the um
people who took gccs in england
in in 2002
aren't actually much older than that yet
so the oldest year we catch them in the
data is age 29
um
and then the argument basically is that
because we observe so much background
information about them their higher
education choice might be as good as
random conditional on those
characteristics so the x i and the kind
of theoretical discussion earlier um
and
just to give you a sense of what
background information we've got in leo
so
one is prior attainment which is really
important so and gcse results and a
level choices and results and so on um
but we also have a socio-economic
background so
things like free school meals um
deprivation of the neighborhood where
people grew up whether they went to
independent school and so on
and finally
demographic characteristics so things
like ethnicity your region gender and
whether someone
speaks english as an additional language
and so here are some results um from
work we've done at ifs
um so
uh ignore those um firstly columns but
um in the final column here we see kind
of what happens if you um control for
all of these factors
um
and as you can see these results are
done separately from men and women
and you see that that kind of alpha one
you get here is reported in the table so
that's 0.04 for men and 0.23 for women
and that translates into a percentage
return of 4 for men and 26 for women so
the idea here is that um
people who went to university
uh
or men who went to university at age 29
um earn on average four percent more and
women earn on average 26
more as a result of going to university
so because they went to university
um
[Music]
that's that's what comes out of this
um now
so far we have assumed that the return
to higher education is the same for
everyone um
in in the theoretical sections i've just
shown that that's clearly not true
between men and women
um
but actually returns also vary usually
by subject studied by institution
and of the life cycle so
in the last few slides i'm going to show
you some evidence of heterogeneity along
these dimensions
so first here are
financial returns by subject
so in black you have the um
what you can call the raw difference so
that's just the difference between um
how much
people earn who study these subjects at
age 29 um compared to people who
um
got um at least five days start to see
at gcse but didn't go to university at
all
and that's the blue line here and you
can see that everyone who went to
university all women who went to
university
um earn more than on average
than
in all subjects than women who didn't go
to university
which is in the blue here but then when
you control for all the background
characteristics
so most importantly um
school attainment
then you see that
the kind of estimated returns so how
much of
these differences
are actually um
truly the effect of higher education
um goes down quite a lot
um but we still see that medicine and
economics which have the highest
earnings also have the highest returns
where some other subjects such as
creative arts and social care
the returns are pretty small
this is the same for men
so
uh the kind of it all looks pretty
similar to and the results for women
but interestingly here it's all kind of
shifted down a little bit so there are
actually some
men who study some subject or who study
creative arts actually earn less at age
29
um than men who
don't go to university at all but have
five at least five they start to see at
gcse
um
and um if you um
if you look at the returns actually
returns are negative for at age 29 for
quite a few subjects
[Music]
so we've looked at subjects this is
institutions um
so
what you see here is that uh
people who went to russell group
universities tend to get higher returns
than people who went to um some
non-russell group universities so
especially um
some of the kind of newer universities
have relatively low returns sorry this
is women
um
if you look at men again the picture is
similar but it's kind of all shifted
down a bit
um
because
in general men have lower returns
by age 29
um but um actually this changes over the
life cycle so if you do some simulation
i said to you you can't actually um
observe people in the data beyond age 29
but um you can do some simulation based
on older cohorts and what we see is that
um or what we'd expect is that uh
men appear to catch up quite a lot
so um by age 40 the returns are actually
similar to those of women around 30
percent
um so to conclude there are many reasons
why people do or do not go to university
financial or otherwise and a model of
higher education choices can help
clarify how these factors together
influence choices
um secondly choices in a completely
private higher education market may lead
to under investment in higher education
and i've given three factors of why that
might be so one is financial market
imperfections and externalities but also
private sub optimal decisions
and um these are reasons for governments
to provide loans and subsidize higher
education which is what we observe in
practice
and finally financial returns to higher
education can be estimated um using
ordinary least squares regression and
provided that the exogenetic assumption
holds as i discussed um or with other
methods
um
uh the um
just to show you give you some um oils
as results for england um which i um
discussed so um
to recap the age 29 financial return is
um around 25 for women and 5 for men
um
[Music]
and but there is large heterogeneity in
these returns first of all by
institution but also by subject
and
over the life cycle where we see men
catching up
um that's all for me
thanks very much for
listening great thanks ben um that was
really interesting talk and i think
quite topical given the ongoing debates
in about funding in in higher education
we're getting in quite a few questions
now um so i think i'll just jump into
those and please everyone
continue to submit your questions or
vote for questions that you want to be
asked on sido app
so the first one we have is
what are the advantages and
disadvantages of the government sticking
with income contingent loans rather than
switching to a graduate tax
um
okay so um the
um yeah so i guess
i've sort of equated the two in my
lecture i guess so i said well for most
students in england um
the the system already acts like a
graduate tax um and so these two options
are actually more similar than some
people
um than one might think
um
so that's the first thing to say um so
the difference comes in
for people who
have very high earnings
so um
we currently estimate that slightly less
than 80 percent of people are going to
um pay off their loans
um
over the so it's slightly less than 80
people are not going to pay off their
loans in the current system so for them
the system is um just like a graduate
tax at the moment so that leaves
slightly more than 20 of people for whom
it's not um who are the highest earners
um now for them a graduate tax would
mean that um they would have to pay more
um because
well obviously they couldn't um pay off
their loans
um under that system
so um
yeah so then the the sort of other
difference here is that currently the
repayment period is limited to 30 years
and presumably a graduate tax would
apply over the whole life cycle but one
could design that in different ways
why the advantages and disadvantages
well um
so with the graduate tax in principle
um you could
shift more of the
burden of paying for higher education to
the highest earners and some might see
this as an advantage um
there's also kind of a potential
disadvantage in the sense that you might
think it's unfair um in in in the sense
that some people are going to pay way
more for their education than it it cost
um i wouldn't want to take a stance on
that um but i think the most difficult
thing with a graduate tax is actually
operational um so
um you know how do you think about
people who complete partial degrees how
do you think about people who change
subject and so on um
how how are you going to deal with
say i mean now it's kind of easier with
with eu students because they now pay
international fees but um what about say
are students who are still eligible for
the same types of loans um you know how
are they going to be taxed in ireland um
so so i think there are some kind of
real operational difficulties that make
it make it hard to have a granular tax
great thanks
so our next question which has been
voted up is
why are men's estimated returns so
different from women's at age 29
um so
this is kind of a difficult one because
we um
we basically can't tell from the data
that we have um
we um strongly or i strongly suspect
that it has a lot to do um with
fertility choices that come at a
different time
for um graduate women typically than for
those who don't go to university so um
basically women who don't go to
university tend to have children earlier
um and then tend to kind of drop out of
the labor market for some time and or
would use their hours
so
that's why at the sort of early stage in
the life cycles like age 29
the returns look very large um for um
for women because um
well the kind of comparison group many
of them are working part-time or only
partly in
in the labor market for part of the year
um and we don't have that kind of same
effect for men
because um having you know
becoming a father basically doesn't tend
to have the same labor market effects
and become as becoming a mother
yeah that makes sense
um so the next question we've had in is
is there an optimal level of tuition
fees
and how would this relate to the current
level
um well so i guess um
well basically it's hard to know um so
in theory you know there's an optimal
subsidy um in any model that you're
going to write down um
in practice um
what you want to achieve is um from from
sort of purely economic point of view um
you know there might be lots of other
kind of non-economic reasons for having
a student loan system a certain way but
from purely a non-economic view from a
pretty economic point of view if you
want um
to um you want those people to attend
university um for whom it's socially
optimal to do so um
and i've sort of argued that it's
probably like it's probably socially
optimal for more people to go then it's
privately optimal to go um because of
externalities and so on um
so
that kind of would suggest that
you don't want to um
you don't want to put the whole um
cost of going to university on students
you want to subsidize it as a government
and that's likely to be optimal and
that's in fact what we see in practice
um now how much you want to subsidize it
whether it's um
whether it's you know socially optimal
to subsidize it
as much as say the english government do
or does or maybe it's optimal to
subsidize it as much as it's subsidized
in scotland which is essentially more um
or as much as you see in say denmark
which is even more um i think that's an
open question
and we have a slightly related
question which is
is there any data on how tuition fees
would rise or fall if determined by the
market rather than being set by
government
um
well it's
well so the short answer is not really
um so you know
or as i kind of alluded to
basically all systems that we see um
in the world uh have a substantial role
for government and higher education
funding so there isn't a purely private
market at all um
one thing we did see in the uk is that
um
you know when um
the cap for um the fees that could be
set was um raised from around three
thousand pounds to nine thousand pounds
in 2012
and basically all universities charge
the maximum amount so that kind of
suggests that if you remove this part
now fees would be higher than 9 000
still
at many universities
and um you know that same thing is also
kind of suggested by looking at um fees
for international students which also
tend to be much higher than fees for
domestic students
so um
so yeah i think um it's safe to assume
that if we didn't have a cap on fees
fees would be higher than they are now
um
and now we actually have a question on
not on c caps but student number caps
so how would student number caps affect
tuition fees and the graduate earnings
premium
okay oh that's a hard one so um
the so for tuition fees well so as i
said most universities charge
the maximum level of tuition fees so you
know if the cup is not changed basically
the answer for tuition fees is not at
all
um
so um
so yeah we would expect that if the if
the caps stay the same tuition fees
same whatever is done to um
to student number numbers um
the other thing is um
the other question was oh the other part
of the question was how would it affect
the graduate earnings premium um
i think that is a very difficult
question um basically we don't know
um so you know economic theory might
suggest which is kind of what um the
question probably alludes to that you
know if you increase the supply of
graduates um maybe the graduate premium
is going to fall and so similarly if you
restrict the supply of graduates through
these number caps the graduate premium
might be higher than it otherwise would
be
um
that argument makes a lot of sense the
only thing is that um this is not what
we've observed in the data
so you know in the in england and in
other countries we've seen a massive
expansion of the higher education
sectors so many more people now go to
university than
used to
and yet
the graduate premium has been remarkably
stable
so another question we have is can we
use the
subject and institution combinations i
think that means the returns estimates
uh to determine where an individual
should or shouldn't attend university
um well i mean it's it's it's certainly
useful information i think so you know
there's a lot of different factors that
individuals
should consider when making their
university choice and you know returns
are clearly not everything you know and
um
and especially the returns for other
people so every individual may have a
different experience
but i think looking at past cohorts so
you know how people have done who've
attended this course in the past um
is is one kind of
um piece of the puzzle and one important
piece of information that people may
want to look at
maybe just to get an idea
and certainly that's kind of what we're
hoping with our research to achieve that
it would provide useful information for
prospective students
as well as for policymakers
great
um so i think we're in the final couple
of minutes so i'll try and ask a couple
more questions um while we still have
you here
um
so given the dependency on remote
education
to what extent has coven 19 affected the
quality of the outcome of higher
education
um yeah so that's kind of too early to
say i think
so you know given that uh
the people who've kind of most been most
affected by this remote education aren't
in the labor market yet um
we don't know anything yet about um what
their outcomes are going to be and it's
going to be a while because um people
tend to take a while to settle into the
labor market um
so you know by the time these people are
in their late twenties and the people
who will kind of finish or are finishing
university now and we're gonna have a
clearer picture but
that's still um several years away i
think
sure
uh so i think we'll go for a final
question
which is we'll go for a technical
question
what sources of potential bias are you
most concerned about in your ols
estimates of returns to higher education
um yeah so i think um the
i it's a great question i think um so
the um the um
the most concerning ones i think um
are that um there's this kind of
um
unobservable factors um like um you know
i mentioned curiosity but there's many
others um that may um
that may um
help you in the labor market
and um that
would also make you want to go to
university so maybe you know in general
motivation might be one of those so if
you're a more motivated universal
individual maybe um you want to
both go to university and um
and and uh get a
and you're going to get a better job or
like ambition is also another one of
those um so those are all factors that
might lead us to overestimate um their
returns to higher education on the other
hand you know as i mentioned it doesn't
all necessarily go that way so there
might also be other factors that might
may kind of um pull in the other
direction
um so i think
yeah i i as you allude to i think um
because of those potential unobservables
uh these estimates
should be taken with some um grain of
salt but um we do believe that they're
the best estimates available and we do
think they are useful for people too um
both for policy makers thinking about
the design of the system and for uni for
individuals making decisions
great perfect timing we're now on five
o'clock so i think we'll wrap up now um
big thanks again to ben
and for our audience for joining and
participating in the discussion
another reminder that our final ifs
public lecture is this time next week
and thanks again for everyone for
attending